Ivorians went to the polls on October 25, 2025, to elect a president.,The election saw incumbent President Alassane Ouattara win with 89.77% of the vote amidst a backdrop of political polarization and restrictions on opposition candidates.Ivorians went to the polls on October 25, 2025, to choose between the outgoing president, Alassane Ouattara, who was seeking a fourth term, and four candidates who did not have the support of the major opposition parties. The choice was very limited, as the three main opposition candidates were banned from running. Ouattara once again won an overwhelming victory in the first round with 89.77% of the vote.<\/p>\n
As a researcher observing political developments in C\u00f4te d’Ivoire for 15 years and participating in a project on boycott movements, my reading of the 2025 presidential elections and C\u00f4te d’Ivoire’s democratic prospects is informed by this context. C\u00f4te d’Ivoire is generally considered a regional leader in economic performance. However, the 2025 elections continue a worrying trend of democratic backsliding and political polarization. The legislative elections on December 27 will be a test for the country’s democratic resilience.<\/p>\n
The pre-election context saw major opposition candidates excluded in the months leading up to the presidential elections, leading to a certain political disinterest within an increasingly restricted democratic space. Ouattara announced his candidacy in August, despite widespread objections to his bid for a third term in 2020, both domestically and internationally. As in 2020, his detractors insisted that Ouattara was overstepping his constitutional mandate of a single term, renewable once. He argued that a 2016 revision gave him the right to run twice. As election day approached, the Ivorian political landscape was marked by polarization, repression, and uncertainty. Tensions intensified in early September when the Constitutional Council disqualified five prominent opposition candidates. Former president Laurent Gbagbo, Charles Bl\u00e9 Goud\u00e9, and Guillaume Soro were excluded due to prior criminal convictions. The two main challengers, Tidjane Thiam and Pascal Affi N’Guessan, were disqualified on procedural grounds. This exclusion virtually assured Ouattara’s victory, whose campaign focused on securing an absolute majority.<\/p>\n
In early October, the National Security Council banned public gatherings, except those organized by official candidates, on the grounds of “maintaining public order.” Additional restrictions were imposed on citizen mobilizations. The letter of the law was used to serve Ouattara’s interests by limiting demonstrations against his candidacy. Despite these bans, opposition parties called for daily demonstrations, but gatherings were generally small and quickly dispersed by security forces. Three days before the elections, Gbagbo denounced what he called a “civil coup” and expressed support for those “protesting this electoral theft.” On October 11, protesters took to the streets of Abidjan. These acts of defiance led to some 700 arrests and 80 prison sentences for disturbing public order. Eleven people were killed in clashes between security forces and protesters. Amnesty International, along with other national and international observers, denounced the repression of protests. Meanwhile, the government deployed 40,000 security agents across the country. France, ECOWAS, and the EU remained largely silent, generally prioritizing stability and strategic relations with the Ivorian government over democratic accountability. This passivity risks further eroding the credibility of these international actors while reinforcing narratives of Western double standards in the region.<\/p>\n
While the excluded opposition parties attempted, without much success, to mobilize their supporters in the streets, the remaining candidates, representing small parties or recently formed coalitions, adopted a different strategy. Simone Ehivet Gbagbo (former first lady, who divorced ex-president Gbagbo in 2023), leader of the Movement of Capable Generations, lamented her ex-husband’s elimination. However, in the final weeks of the campaign, she insisted it was too late to call people to the streets, instead urging them to vote.<\/p>\n
Election day proceeded calmly across the country, but violent clashes erupted in several cities. The president of the Independent Electoral Commission, Ibrahim Kuibiert Coulibaly, described these incidents as “marginal” and “quickly brought under control.” While the election outcome was never in doubt, the turnout rate was less predictable. The confirmed turnout of 50.1% indicates that many voters stayed home, many out of apathy, but also out of fear of violent clashes around polling stations. The provisional results announced on October 27 gave Ouattara 89.77% of the vote. Tidjane Thiam and other opposition members denounced a rigged and polarizing electoral process with insufficient participation. Thiam called for non-violent resistance and urged the government to engage in dialogue for reconciliation. The ruling party and pro-Ouattara media hailed the result as an “overwhelming victory,” particularly celebrating Ouattara’s wins in historical opposition strongholds.<\/p>\n
Three days after the vote, several leaders of major opposition parties were summoned by the police on the grounds that war weapons had been found in the homes of individuals linked to the October 11 march. Thus, while it can be said that the elections took place without major incident, the absence of real competition and the measures taken to restrict the opposition have tarnished the credibility of the ballot and Mr. Ouattara’s legacy.<\/p>\n
What are the prospects for democracy? In the short to medium term, major opposition parties might try to regain influence in the legislative elections on December 27. They could also resume their protests. In the long term, Ouattara should move towards admitted authoritarianism to justify a fifth candidacy in 2030. It is more likely that he will hand over power to a successor from his inner circle. Even if this happens, serious questions remain about the electoral framework. The opposition has long claimed that the independent electoral commission is biased and favors the outgoing president. Ouattara’s presidency is marred by his record of biased electoral competitions, political violence and insecurity, and the shrinking of public expression space. Given C\u00f4te d’Ivoire’s strategic importance to Northern countries as a rare ally in the sub-region, international actors will have little to say about its democratic performance. Prospects for reconciliation, political reform, and a peaceful transition in 2030 will depend mainly on the ruling party, which will need to encourage dialogue and political inclusion at municipal, provincial, and regional levels. The legislative elections on December 27 will provide a better measure of the real balance of power, as the presidential election was marred by irregularities. Amelie Stelter, from the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University in Sweden, contributed to this article.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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